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by O'Toole,Fintan O'Toole

eBook Enough Is Enough. V. 2: How to Build a New Republic download ISBN: 0571270085
Author: O'Toole,Fintan O'Toole
Publisher: Faber & Faber; Main edition (October 1, 2010)
Language: English
Pages: 300
ePub: 1884 kb
Fb2: 1437 kb
Rating: 4.2
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Category: Work and Money
Subcategory: Economics

Электронная книга "Enough is Enough: How to Build a New Republic", Fintan O'Toole.

Электронная книга "Enough is Enough: How to Build a New Republic", Fintan O'Toole. Эту книгу можно прочитать в Google Play Книгах на компьютере, а также на устройствах Android и iOS. Выделяйте текст, добавляйте закладки и делайте заметки, скачав книгу "Enough is Enough: How to Build a New Republic" для чтения в офлайн-режиме.

Fintan O'Toole's manifesto for a new Ireland impresses Sean O'Hagan. The book described in often mind-boggling detail the financial ineptitude, endemic corruption and barefaced greed that led to the collapse of the so-called Celtic Tiger economy. Now, as Ireland grapples with the dreadful aftermath of that implosion, O'Toole has written a different kind of polemic, not just a prescription for recovery, but a kind of manifesto for a new republic based on the founding ideals of decency, fairness and the pursuit of the common good.

Enough is Enough book. Arguing for a period of real change, Fintan O'Toole demonstrates how the country now needs to become a fully modern republic in fact as well as name.

His books include White Savage, A Traitor's Kiss, Meanwhile Back at the Ranch, the number one bestseller Ship of Fools, which Terry Eagleton called 'a brilliant polemic', and its sequel Enough is Enough. He lives in Dublin and is a columnist for the Irish Times.

2: How to Build a New Republic. The Republic of Ireland, which declared itself in 1949, allowed the Catholic Church to dominate its civil society and education system

2: How to Build a New Republic. The Republic of Ireland, which declared itself in 1949, allowed the Catholic Church to dominate its civil society and education system. Investment by American and European companies, and a welcoming tax regime, created the 'Celtic Tiger' of the 1990s. That brief burst of good fortune was destroyed by a corrupt political class which encouraged a wild property boom, leaving the country almost bankrupt.

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Published by Faber & Faber. Investment by American and European companies, and a welcoming tax regime, created the ‘Celtic Tiger’ of the 1990s. What Ireland needs now is a programme of real change. It needs to become a fully modern republic in fact as well as name.

Enough is Enough: How to Build a New Republic, 2010.

His recent books have focused on the rise, fall and aftermath of Ireland's 'Celtic Tiger'. He has been a strong critic of political corruption in Ireland throughout his career. Enough is Enough: How to Build a New Republic, 2010. A History of Ireland in 100 Objects, 2013. Modern Ireland in 100 Artworks, 2016.

The Republic of Ireland, which declared itself in 1949, allowed the Catholic Church to dominate its civil society and education system. Investment by American and European companies, and a welcoming tax regime, created the 'Celtic Tiger' of the 1990s. That brief burst of good fortune was destroyed by a corrupt political class which encouraged a wild property boom, leaving the country almost bankrupt. What Ireland needs now is a programme of real change. It needs to become a fully modern republic in fact as well as name. This disastrous economic collapse also allows us to think through the kind of multiculturalism that Ireland needs, and to build institutions that can accommodate the sudden influx of migrants who have come to Ireland in the past 15 years. The State should take over the entire education system, for which it pays already, and make it fit for the 21st century. The political system is dysfunctional and is one of the main causes of the debacle we have just experienced. Ireland needs constitutional reform. Politicians have been let get away with murder, and there is a fatalistic sense that nothing can change. The country needs to encourage participation in, and oversight and knowledge of politics, to make people feel that they have a right to challenge the old party machines and to make a difference. It is their country, after all.
Comments: (3)
Cordanara
O'Toole is a master columnist who has a knack of telling it like it is. You'll find his column in the Irish Times (online). Not everyone likes his tendency to cut to the bone and that's too bad because he delivers the truth consistently and stingingly as this book amply demonstrates. 'Enough is enough' is essential reading for anyone looking to understand the real Irish psyche and all that goes with it. It peels away the romantic viewpoint of Ireland and shows us for what we are, a nation and a people who allow others to use and manipulate us at will. And of note is that in response we do nothing.
What I came away with was anger; as much with those who have historically and consistently misused the Irish trust as with the Irish people ourselves. When we ask how people got away with that they have the answer is plain and simple - because they could. As a nation and a people we are apathetic and dare I say bovine in our response to what has happened - .the churches crimes, developers thievery, political cronyism etc, have elicited little in the way of outrage.
As a people we do nothing to demand justice. We abhor change. We don't take to the streets and march. Many, bafflingly admire the qute hooriness of the shysters who do us wrong knowing full well that the money missing is from their own pockets. I disagree about the future of Ireland's economy. We are ideally suited to be a tourist destination on many levels but everyone in Ireland wants to wear a suit; few want to actually get their hands dirty. That of course is another story.
If you are susceptible to high blood pressure, take your medicine before you start reading. Enjoy...
Alien
Fintan O'Toole, author of Ship of fools, historian, biographer, critic and journalist with the Irish Times, has written a brilliant study of Ireland's problems.

PricewaterhouseCoopers, Ernst & Young and KPMG had audited Ireland's banks every year, and never spotted anything wrong. Proportionately, Ireland's bank bailout is history's most costly - Standard & Poor estimated the cost at 90 billion euros, 30 per cent of GDP, and twice the government estimate. And the bailout has been the most complete failure - nationalising debts has not released credit, it has brought only cuts, unemployment, and a record public sector deficit of 32 per cent of GDP.

O'Toole exposes five key myths. The first is the myth of the Republic. Ireland needs not the old bourgeois nation combined with institutional Catholicism, but a new republic for 2016, the centenary of the Declaration of Independence. It needs to be a nation based on the common public interest, not on rule by private interests.

The second is the myth of representation. The Dáil's members do not represent their constituents; they do not represent people's views, nor do they represent them in terms of class, age or gender.

The third is the myth of parliamentary democracy. He shows how the Dáil doesn't work - it fails to hold governments to account, it does not create laws, it cannot conduct serious investigations and it is in thrall to the EU.

The fourth is the myth of charity. Some still see education not as a right but as a blessing conferred by the Roman Catholic Church, which controls 92 per cent of Ireland's schools. The Church also prevented the setting up of an Irish NHS - a visit to the GP costs 50-70 euros.

The fifth is the myth of wealth - economically unproductive assets (chiefly housing) grew at the expense of productive assets (manufacturing industry, roads, rail, water, schools, hospitals, communications and energy). Irish banks owe German banks 174 billion euros; Greek banks owe them 32 billion, Spanish banks 165 billion.
The government privatised Keynesianism: individuals took on debt to stimulate the economy. O'Toole sums up, "Taken together, the exaggerations of GDP, the poverty of fixed assets, the personal costs of weak public services, the illusory nature of property values and the swamp of debt undermine the idea that Ireland, even in the boom years, was seriously rich."

Instead of the myths, he proposes five decencies. The first is security. He points out that between 1995 and 2007 social housing was just 6 per cent of the total, 3,500 homes built a year. The state gives landlords 1.3 billion euros a year in tax breaks and rent allowances, money that should go to provide social housing. O'Toole denounces the move from social security to personal insecurity. 30 per cent of pensioners are poor; he calls for an increase in the state pension.

The second is health. Ireland spends more on health care per head than Britain, Germany, France, Belgium or Spain, yet its system is unfair, inefficient and ineffective; the country needs universal health care, free at the point of contact.

The third is education. In Britain the annual cost of pupils leaving school with low literacy is £2.5 billion a year. Ireland too needs to spend more on schools, and end its 100 million euros a year subsidies to private schools. A smart economy needs a smart society and Ireland's National Skills Strategy aims for three-quarters of young people to achieve higher education, yet all too many families have incomes too low to allow participation in higher education. There is a need to improve take-up of adult education and lifelong learning and a need to double the student grant to cover the £7,000 a year costs.

The fourth decency is equality - high-quality universal public services are essential to economic equality. Thousands who get more than 100,000 euros a year pay no income tax.

The fifth is citizenship. Ireland needs a new sense of national pride, a belief in Ireland's collective capacity to create a country to be proud of, its people must take responsibility for the public realm, with a sense of mutual obligation, where the common good outweighs the claims of private property.

O'Toole should have added a sixth decency - national independence and sovereignty: Ireland needs to leave the euro and leave the European Union.
uspeh
Mr. O'Toole has written a book that is interesting and engaging. A remarkable accomplishment, considering the fact that he is dealing with subjects like economics and political philosophy, subjects usually relegated to academic journals. I really enjoyed reading this book, and found myself smiling or laughing on almost every page at his wit and colorful use of language. Unfortunately (and no less remarkable) the author fails to even mention the main cause of the boom/crash (low global interest rates) or it's most obvious solution (for Ireland to refuse to nationalize the failed banks debt).

To cite just one example of Mr. O'Toole complete misunderstand of market economics, on page 123 he ascribes the quadrupling of housing prices in Ireland to a reduction in government spending on subsidized housing. Low interest rates, international carry trade, reduced lending standards, mortgage backed securities, etc. are not mentioned. To use one of the author's favorite adjectives, that is ludicrous.

Far more egregious is the authors unwillingness to even mention, much less consider, the most obvious solution to Ireland's financial crisis. The author correctly points out that the losses of the banks are not the legal or moral responsibility of the Irish taxpayers. The obvious solution is to simply allow the Irish banks to go bankrupt. Mr. O'Toole goes on at great length about Irish political culture and how it does not represent the interests of it's constituants (Chapter 2: "The Myth of Representation"). Yet he does not even discuss the simple idea that for Irish government to truly represent the interests of it's constituents, it would simply refuse to shoulder private bank debt. Also not discussed is the impact this would have on European banks and Euro itself.

On page 132 Mr. O'Toole provides some insight into his true goals. He states "The crisis may be a price worth paying - if it forces us to construct a decent society". Most of the book is Mr. O'Toole's prescription for a decent society. It includes increases in social services and regulation (Chapter 4: "They Myth of Charity"), and reduction in Church control of education and health care (ibid). Some of his ideas are worthy of consideration, most fall squarely into the European liberal-left playbook. The author offers no suggestions on how to fund this expansion of state expenditures in the midst of the most severe financial crisis in history.

To sum up the author's positions: Irish taxpayers should become debt slaves for generations to pay foreign banks money they lent to private Irish banks, and should use the resulting financial crisis as an opportunity to reform Irish political culture into something more similar to France or Germany. The option of simply opting out of the Irish governments decision to assume debt not of it's own making is not considered.