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by Gilles Kepel

eBook Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and Pharaoh download ISBN: 0520085434
Author: Gilles Kepel
Publisher: University of California Press (December 16, 1993)
Language: English
Pages: 250
ePub: 1400 kb
Fb2: 1187 kb
Rating: 4.3
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Category: Different
Subcategory: Humanities

Gilles Kepel takes us into the world of the students, professionals, workers, and unemployed who are caught up in. .

Gilles Kepel takes us into the world of the students, professionals, workers, and unemployed who are caught up in the Islamic movements of our day. Events that. We’re dedicated to reader privacy so we never track you. We don’t accept ads.

Since January 2018, Gilles Kepel is professor at the Paris Sciences & Lettres University. Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and Pharaoh". Foreign Affairs (Fall 1986). He contributes regularly to Le Monde, The New York Times, La Repubblica, El Pais, and several Arab media outlets.

Muslim Extremism in Egypt. has been added to your Cart. This book was written over 20 years ago, long before anyone focused on the possible consequences of a growing menace to humanity in the guise of Islamic fanatics calling the masses back to the founding tenants of Islam.

Muslim Extremism in Egypt book. In Muslim Extremism in Egypt, Gilles Kepel’s objective is simple enough: to unpack the history of Islamic fundamentalism (or Islamicism ) in Egypt and understand its roots and the directions that it took. Although his narrative is not strictly chronological, he focuses primarily on the post-1952 Revolution period and seeks to tell a story rather than advance a broad or overarching thesis.

In this classic study of the roots of Islamic extremism, Gilles Kepel demonstrates the pivotal role of the Egyptian connection. He skillfully traces the story of Islamic anti-modernism in Egypt from the early part of the 20th century to its tragic involvement in some of the most violent incidents in recent years, including the terrifying attacks on the World Trade Center in 1993 and 2001. Perhaps more than any other, this book gives the background necessary to understand the purpose and mindset of today’s religious radicals. In this classic study of the roots of Islamic extremism, Gilles Kepel demonstrates the pivotal role of the Egyptian connection.

Gilles Kepel (born 30 June 1955) is a prominent French scholarFactdate July 2008 and analyst of the Islamic and the Arab world. He has written works on Radical Islam including "". His most recent book is 'The War for Muslim Minds: Islam and the West'. In Washington it can't be won-only lost. He holds degrees in Arabic, English and philosophy

Al Saqi Books, 1985 - 260 sivua. Introduction Journey to the Ends of Islam. 36. The Society of Muslims.

Al Saqi Books, 1985 - 260 sivua. 7 muita osia ei näytetty. Muita painoksia - Näytä kaikki. The Prophet and Pharaoh: Muslim Extremism in Egypt Gilles Kepel Otenäkymä - 1985. The Prophet and Pharaoh: Muslim Extremism in Egypt Gilles Kepel Esikatselu ei käytettävissä - 1985. Yleiset termit ja lausekkeet. Events that have riveted world attention-the World Trade Center bombing.

Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and Pharaoh. By Gilles Kepel, Professor Gilles Kepel.

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Perhaps more than any other, this book gives the background necessary to understand the purpose and mindset of today's religious radicals. Gilles Kepel takes us into the world of the students, professionals, workers, and unemployed who are caught up in the Islamic movements of Egypt.

There is no better way to penetrate the mysteries of Muslim fundamentalism in the contemporary Arab world than to follow its course in Egypt with a guide such as the French Arabist and political scientist Gilles Kepel. From the founding of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1920s to the assassination of Anwar al-Sadat in 1981, he describes and explains the ideas, the leadership, the organizations and the gathering of popular support, against the background of the conditions of the time, the nature of the appeal and the.

Gilles Kepel takes us into the world of the students, professionals, workers, and unemployed who are caught up in the Islamic movements of our day. Events that have riveted world attention—the World Trade Center bombing, assassinations in Beirut, the attempt on the life of the Pope, the assassination of Sadat—are illuminated by this penetrating study which surveys the background of the Islamist movement beginning with the Muslim Brotherhood in 1928.
Comments: (7)
Umdwyn
This book was written over 20 years ago, long before anyone focused on the possible consequences of a growing menace to humanity in the guise of Islamic fanatics calling the masses back to the founding tenants of Islam. Kepel lived in Egypt and spent a lot of time researching and reading what was happening in the 70's and 80's as well as examining the causes and consequences of Islamic calls to jihad and having Muslims continue their conquest of the earth in the name of Allah.
This book shows how Egypt's experiment with socialism resulted in a corrupt, dishonest, and totally failed state. Kepel points out the costs of this experiment by showing that the state created a horrific perfect storm, using the establishment of Israel as the ultimate bogeyman to deflect the masses attention away from the failures of socialism. Essentially the Egyptians were no different than the other kleptocracies in the Middle East and held the hand puppet of Israel as the focus of attention while the other hand deprived the general population of any semblance of a decent standard of living. Kepel's insights into the assassination of Sadat because of his overtures to Israel were most enlightening, essentially showing that Sadat was killed by forces he had nourished with years of hatred toward modernity. Carter and his advisors probably still do not understand to this day what damage they did in the Camp David accords when Sadat traded Soviet handouts for American ones. The view held by the vast majority of Muslims in the Middle East of the American-Zionist plot to overtake the Middle East was cemented and fermented in the accord. It took another generation for it to come to fruition in 9/11, but it all started there. Kepel was not aware of Carter's funding of the Mujahadeen in Afghanistan in the 70's at the same time so is not able to link the beginnings of bin Laden's lunatic fringe groups as well. Another interesting observation by Kepel, which is now becoming more apparent is that the Islamic social code of the separation of the sexes lends itself to sexual frustration on the part of the massive numbers of young and horny Muslims so that the lure of 72 virgins may well be the primary recruiting tool for the jihadists to get them to be a "martyr" by committing suicide and getting the sex they cannot get in their own societies.
Having traveled throughout Egypt many times myself, I can say that the classic "jelly bean" theory has come to pass. Feed the bear a jelly bean to ward him off will only work as long as you still have jelly beans. When you run out, be prepared to be the next meal of the bear.
A great book, especially given its date of publication. It was far ahead of its time. If only the idiots in the US State Department, CIA, or FBI had read it, the prime instigator of the first attack on the World Trade Center would have been banned from the US instead of being allowed entry after the Egyptians arrested him for his terrorist activities in the 1980's.
Alsalar
Certainly one of the most cited work in the field of Islamism. Although written in 1984, some of Kepel's predictions are still relevant in 2016. The translation is unfortunately not particularly good.
Goldendragon
was a gift for someone else
Majin
This is the work that made the now imminent French scholar of Islamism famous. Kepel was more or less the first scholar to frame "Muslim Extremism" as 1) an extremist phenomenon and 2) a real political threat to the region in such an explicit fashion. As such, this work has been much debated and criticized; however, it still remains a classic in the field.
Ideally, Kepel's work should be read in tandem with Mitchell's work on the Muslim Brothers as Kepel himself seemed to see this work as the follow-up to Mitchell's groundbreaking work. Mitchell's work stopped at the incarceration of the Brotherhood after the Free Officers now longer found their support politically desirable or expedient, and basically, Kepel's picks up at that point-the inhumanity of the prisons, the gallows, and the torture rooms.
Unlike Mitchell's work, however, Kepel's study is not confined to a study of the Muslim Brotherhood but is a study of the radicalization of the Islamic trend in Egypt which splinter into many factional, competing parts-at times as a result of state initiatives as under Sadat. The differing policies of the Nasser and Sadat regime are compared, the influence of Sayyid Qutb emphasized, the moderation and political compromise of the Muslim Brotherhood emphasized, and the desperation and impoverishment of the violent groups such as al-Jama'at al-Islamiyyah and Takfir wa-l-Hijrah are cited as their sources. These all became classic themes in the field. Kepel's work demonstrates that the sources of political Islam are as varied as its social manifestations.
Siramath
This is without a doubt one of the best and most readable texts on the subject of the rise of Islamist movements in Egypt. It also works as a fitting sequel to Doanld Mitchell's groundbreaking volume - the only one of its kind ever translated into Arabic - on the Ikhwan al-Muslimin, the Muslim Brotherhood written almost two decades earlier. The book describes the social, historical and economic context behind the Islamist movements neither resorting to apologetic arguments or righteous accusations. Kepel shows that Egyptian Islamist organizations have adopted a variety of approaches that are, more often than not, peaceful such as to effectively constitute what may be civil society in Egypt. Indeed, such organizations as the Islamic Brotherhood in Egypt have recently shown that some compromise is possible with the representatives of the status-quo as well as with rival factions by participating in national elections, such as to avoid a civil war scenario. The Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt now opposes government policy from a legal and regulated official position but it faces pressure from more radical Islamist groups.
Nonetheless, intractable socio-economic problems have made it ever more difficult to contain unrest. The continuing reduction of the public sector since the late '70s and the failure to stimulate private economic enterprise has made it even harder for Egypt to sustain the precarious economic conditions that stimulate Islamist unrest. Although the Egypt achieved significant development in the '50s and '60s, it has pursued misguided economic policies that have fallen short of their potential. The benefits of the oil boom after 1973 and the Sadat-Mubarak economic liberalization policies that followed were mismanaged. Economic liberalization was primarily directed in the speculative construction and real estate sectors and failed to attract foreign investment in other labor intensive and professional areas. Unemployment persisted as the State reduced spending in conformance to IMF debt re-structuring that by 1986 brought about a gradual erosion of the human development achievements of the '50s and '70s. The series of economic reforms benefited the already wealthy. Islamist organizations have also gained popularity by absorbing the void left by the declining State.
Support and membership for such organizations has cut across class and income barriers and is representative of the frustration of a large portion of society, and youth in particular, with the current political establishment in Egypt. The government has not offered viable solutions to problems of unemployment, housing shortages, deteriorating municipal services or the poor quality of health care and education. Kepel also shows that Islamist organizations have solved problems that the government has been unable or unwilling to confront. Unlike government and private banks, the Islamic Brotherhood has operated Islamic Investment Companies (IIC) since the mid-'70s that have provided a real positive rate of interest. Ultimately, in view of chronic economic difficulties and the Government of Egypt's inability to adopt serious reform and tackle the problems of poverty and unemployment seriously makes Egypt very vulnerable to the zeal and violence of militant Islam.